One criticism of the Affordable Care Act is that it imposes a costly, one-size-fits-all standard, drastically increasing premiums by requiring everyone to buy health insurance that covers the same mandated benefits. This is not so.
It’s
true that the health reform law imposes some requirements — “essential
health benefits” — on what individual market and small business plans
offer. But the statute left a lot of discretion to federal regulators,
who, in turn, passed much of it on to states, each of which interpreted
the requirements differently. And, because most plans already covered
these so-called essential health benefits, the additional cost of the
regulation is small.
The
mistaken notion that the Affordable Care Act imposes a nationally
uniform set of required benefits comes, perhaps, from language in the
statute itself. It lists 10 broad areas of essential health benefits
plans must cover, including hospital, outpatient and emergency
services, along with related laboratory services; maternity, newborn and
pediatric care; prescription drugs; rehabilitative and habilitative
services and devices; mental health and substance abuse treatment; and wellness and chronic disease management.
Though
that’s a fairly comprehensive list, including areas of care one would
typically expect of a health insurance plan, it’s not specific. What
does it mean, for instance, to cover “prescription drugs”? Must all
drugs be covered? If not, which ones?
How regulators addressed these questions is what gave rise to state variation.
The
law delegates authority to the secretary of Health and Human Services
to flesh out which benefits plans must cover. As my colleague Nicholas Bagley wrote with his co-author, Helen Levy,
this presented the secretary with a dilemma. Defining essential health
benefits narrowly would lead to lower-cost plans but would also leave
more care uncovered, rendering that care unaffordable for some patients.
A broader definition would increase premiums, potentially making health
insurance too costly for some people the health law was designed to
help.
The
secretary resolved this by leaning on the benefits standards already
established in each state as of 2011. To fill in coverage requirements
details, the secretary permitted each state to select an existing plan
within its borders, from a number of options,
to serve as a benefits “benchmark.” Whatever was covered in the
benchmark plan would set a benefits floor. Health plans could cover
additional benefits, but not fewer.
According to the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics at the University of Pennsylvania, which analyzed information from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services,
45 states and the District of Columbia ended up with a small-group plan
as their benchmark, two chose a state employee plan, and three chose
the largest H.M.O. For the most part, the selected benchmark plans
provided coverage in the 10 areas of essential health benefits required
by the federal law, but to different degrees. And where they did not,
each state was permitted to fill in with its own, additional standards.
Independent reports from The Commonwealth Fund and the Leonard Davis Institute
give examples of the considerable state-to-state variation in required
benefits offered to individuals and by small employers, those with 100
or fewer workers.
For example, the Leonard Davis Institute
found that five states do not require coverage of chiropractic
services, and half of those that do permit a range of limits on number
of visits per year; only five states require acupuncture coverage; only 19 states require infertility treatment coverage; plans in 26 states must cover autism spectrum disorder; 31 must do so for temporomandibular joint (T.M.J.) disorders, which can cause jaw joint pain
and dysfunction; 23 states require bariatric surgery coverage; and 12
require coverage for nutrition counseling and three for weight loss
programs.
States
also vary in how much coverage is required for certain services. For
example, home health care requirements range from a low of 30 visits in
Oklahoma to a high of 180 in Montana. Plans in Mississippi and Wyoming
can limit outpatient rehabilitation to 20 visits per year, and Arizona
and Nevada plans can limit them to 60.
These
new requirements didn’t add a great deal of cost. Nearly all
small-group plans already offered the benefits in the benchmark plan, as
did most individual-market plans.
Analyses by the Congressional Budget Office and the Department of Health and Human Services both showed that benefits required by the health care law have almost no effect on premiums for small-group plans. For individual-market plans, the C.B.O. and several actuarial firms
suggested that required benefits increase premiums by as little as
about 3 percent, though some estimates are as high as 9 percent.
Critics
have some fair points. The Affordable Care Act imposes a number of
requirements on new plans, like limits on out-of-pocket costs, that do
add substantially to premiums. But those requirements do not affect what
benefits are covered.
Essential
health benefits regulations also play a cost-limiting role. Though the
federal government pays premium subsidies to low-income enrollees in
exchange plans, any additional subsidy cost resulting from standards
states impose beyond those in selected benchmark plans must be borne by
states. This forces the states to think carefully about new benefits
mandates, since they can’t pass their subsidy costs on to the federal
government.
The
secretary of H.H.S. must revisit the essential health benefits
regulations for 2016. Another debate about what they are and how much
discretion should be left to states is not far off.
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