
One criticism of the Affordable Care Act is that it imposes a costly, one-size-fits-all standard, drastically increasing premiums by requiring everyone to buy health insurance that covers the same mandated benefits. This is not so.
It’s
 true that the health reform law imposes some requirements — “essential 
health benefits” — on what individual market and small business plans 
offer. But the statute left a lot of discretion to federal regulators, 
who, in turn, passed much of it on to states, each of which interpreted 
the requirements differently. And, because most plans already covered 
these so-called essential health benefits, the additional cost of the 
regulation is small.
The
 mistaken notion that the Affordable Care Act imposes a nationally 
uniform set of required benefits comes, perhaps, from language in the 
statute itself. It lists 10 broad areas of essential health benefits
 plans must cover, including hospital, outpatient and emergency 
services, along with related laboratory services; maternity, newborn and
 pediatric care; prescription drugs; rehabilitative and habilitative 
services and devices; mental health and substance abuse treatment; and wellness and chronic disease management.

Though
 that’s a fairly comprehensive list, including areas of care one would 
typically expect of a health insurance plan, it’s not specific. What 
does it mean, for instance, to cover “prescription drugs”? Must all 
drugs be covered? If not, which ones?
How regulators addressed these questions is what gave rise to state variation.
The
 law delegates authority to the secretary of Health and Human Services 
to flesh out which benefits plans must cover. As my colleague Nicholas Bagley wrote with his co-author, Helen Levy,
 this presented the secretary with a dilemma. Defining essential health 
benefits narrowly would lead to lower-cost plans but would also leave 
more care uncovered, rendering that care unaffordable for some patients.
 A broader definition would increase premiums, potentially making health
 insurance too costly for some people the health law was designed to 
help.
The
 secretary resolved this by leaning on the benefits standards already 
established in each state as of 2011. To fill in coverage requirements 
details, the secretary permitted each state to select an existing plan 
within its borders, from a number of options,
 to serve as a benefits “benchmark.” Whatever was covered in the 
benchmark plan would set a benefits floor. Health plans could cover 
additional benefits, but not fewer.
According to the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics at the University of Pennsylvania, which analyzed information from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services,
 45 states and the District of Columbia ended up with a small-group plan
 as their benchmark, two chose a state employee plan, and three chose 
the largest H.M.O. For the most part, the selected benchmark plans 
provided coverage in the 10 areas of essential health benefits required 
by the federal law, but to different degrees. And where they did not, 
each state was permitted to fill in with its own, additional standards.
Independent reports from The Commonwealth Fund and the Leonard Davis Institute
 give examples of the considerable state-to-state variation in required 
benefits offered to individuals and by small employers, those with 100 
or fewer workers.
For example, the Leonard Davis Institute
 found that five states do not require coverage of chiropractic 
services, and half of those that do permit a range of limits on number 
of visits per year; only five states require acupuncture coverage; only 19 states require infertility treatment coverage; plans in 26 states must cover autism spectrum disorder; 31 must do so for temporomandibular joint (T.M.J.) disorders, which can cause jaw joint pain
 and dysfunction; 23 states require bariatric surgery coverage; and 12 
require coverage for nutrition counseling and three for weight loss 
programs.
States
 also vary in how much coverage is required for certain services. For 
example, home health care requirements range from a low of 30 visits in 
Oklahoma to a high of 180 in Montana. Plans in Mississippi and Wyoming 
can limit outpatient rehabilitation to 20 visits per year, and Arizona 
and Nevada plans can limit them to 60.
These
 new requirements didn’t add a great deal of cost. Nearly all 
small-group plans already offered the benefits in the benchmark plan, as
 did most individual-market plans.
Analyses by the Congressional Budget Office and the Department of Health and Human Services both showed that benefits required by the health care law have almost no effect on premiums for small-group plans. For individual-market plans, the C.B.O. and several actuarial firms
 suggested that required benefits increase premiums by as little as 
about 3 percent, though some estimates are as high as 9 percent.
Critics
 have some fair points. The Affordable Care Act imposes a number of 
requirements on new plans, like limits on out-of-pocket costs, that do 
add substantially to premiums. But those requirements do not affect what
 benefits are covered.
Essential
 health benefits regulations also play a cost-limiting role. Though the 
federal government pays premium subsidies to low-income enrollees in 
exchange plans, any additional subsidy cost resulting from standards 
states impose beyond those in selected benchmark plans must be borne by 
states. This forces the states to think carefully about new benefits 
mandates, since they can’t pass their subsidy costs on to the federal 
government.
The
 secretary of H.H.S. must revisit the essential health benefits 
regulations for 2016. Another debate about what they are and how much 
discretion should be left to states is not far off.
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